财新传媒 财新传媒

阅读:0
听报道

在刚刚结束的天津夏季达沃斯峰会上,我应邀做为“全球风险评估----预测东亚”专题研讨会的“深度报告”报告人,负责撰写的会议综述,并对该研讨会进行点评。

 
会议就未来6-18个月亚洲风险如何影响全球,全球风险反过来对于亚洲的影响进行了深入探讨;议题涉及国际金融危机、美国大选、东亚的紧张局势及其解决方案。与会人士指出,最新的全球风险报告将全球(区域)风险分为50个种类,并在理论上将其归纳为外部性风险、可预防的风险和战略性风险。研讨会指,高涨的民族主义情绪以及保护主义的回归,导致对于自然资源争夺的加剧,而收入分配的不公正(50%东亚区域内的人民没有存款或者很少有存款,其收入基本用于基本生活开销)正在大大加剧这种民族主义情绪。目前东亚领土争端,缺少区域的(争端)解决机制,暂时只能靠G20和APEC这样的平台,或者借助外部(国家或者国际组织)的力量予以平衡,比如美国或者WTO。解决危机应该通过治理的视角,逐步建立对话和争端解决机制,并通过经济合作、绿色产业技术、能源及其他自然资源联合采购等策略,化解当前矛盾,通过经济视角看待政治问题,有助于缓和东亚局势。一些听众也通过提问强调,西方的消费主义已经严重影响了亚洲(东亚)经济模式,如果不去除这一模式的影响,东亚危机将会持续。
 
 
参加该研讨会嘉宾有:
 
薛斓,清华大学公共管理学院院长;
 

Donald P. Kanak,香港Prudential Corporation Asia主席

Yoichi Funabashi,重建日本基金会总裁

Moon Chung-In,韩国延世大学政治学教授

主持人为世界经济论坛理事会执行主任W. Lee Howell。
 
 

 该综述及其链接如下:

 
  • The global growth problem will slow down Asian economies because of fear of a lack of confidence; how to revitalize that confidence is crucial for the world economy.
  • Uprising nationalism and protectionism is used by some politicians to play short-term political games, while income inequity can fuel potential nationalism, which may lead to misunderstanding and conflicts.

Global risk category and its Interconnection map (2012) show that there could be more than 50 types of risks globally. They can be categorized as preventable, strategic and external risks.

Lack of confidence is a big issue for the global economy recovery, US election and fiscal cliff and Japan’s trade deficit will all have influence. Premier Wen Jiabao’s speech was obviously an encouragement. China’s economy will influence the Korean peninsula (thus it should stimulate and enhance its domestic consumption needs), while who will become the next US president and the new administration’s policy on China and Korea (whether it will be hard ones or soft ones) pose risks to East Asia and can even lead to geopolitical conflicts.

Internal risks exert more influence in East Asia, although external risks also play roles. The fast growth of some countries’ economy and power makes it more assertive while there is no mechanism to balance. Nationalism, history problems and territory dispute emerge and people still do not know how to manage. Currently US or international entities such as the WTO can influence the power structure in East Asia. Some participants raised the rising nationalism in East Asia, especially territorial disputes among certain countries is used by some politicians. The panel responded that some politicians try to use the situation to play a short-term political game, but this does not represent the Japanese government’s attitude. But this information is not well informed and properly explained to the Chinese government. People should remember Deng Xiaoping’s comments during his first high-level visit to Japan, saying that “our generation is not smart enough to solve the disputes and we can let the next generation negotiate to solve”. This is a peaceful rising strategy, which China always claims in the past 30 years, and should keep it.

There is a potential tendency of “retreat” from globalization in Asia, for East Asia is heavily reliant on the global market thus closing the door or protectionism will have a huge impact. The social vulnerability will be especially influential when a society enters a transitional phase. And the external/internal issue will enlarge the vulnerability. The income inequity and protectionism will have strong influence on nationalism, and could lead to frustration and social anger.

In terms of how to solve the risks and challenges, the panellists recommended that people should look at the problem from a governance perspective rather than only a risk management perspective. Currently there are still no specific regional institutions to coordinate and manage those risks while political hostage is increasing. Of course, there are potential platforms to address the issue such as G20 and APEC. But more effectiveness is needed. Looking at the political issue economically will be a solution. There are great opportunities such as green technology collaboration, and collective nature resource purchasing. But although Korea was eager to promote collaboration on the issue of oil purchasing and its transportation, Japan didn’t want to join without any explanation. The key is lack of political trust which is a kind of precondition for the further collaboration so the politicians need new vision. New vision and policy need pluralism and different opinions can be expressed by domestic civil society and opinion leaders.

Compared with 30 years ago, the rising up of East Asia is phenomenal. To enhance strategic level collaboration and communication, and risk assessment  of the three countries, is crucial. As the Fukushima disaster showed, the countries need not only share experience on nuclear safety issue, but also need to build mechanisms to address a series of other risks. The Summer Davos can help to promote solutions to the above problems.

 
 
话题:



0

推荐

贾平

贾平

49篇文章 4年前更新

法律与公共政策学者,公共卫生治理中心执行主任,美国德克萨斯州圣玛丽大学法学院兼任教授;毕业于华东政法学院和中国人民大学法学院。中国自然辩证法研究会生命伦理学专业委员会副理事长;美国亚洲协会Fellow;达沃斯世界经济论坛青年领袖(2009-2015);曾任抗击艾滋病、结核与疟疾的全球基金(The Global Fund)国家协调委员会代表和全球基金监管机构(AIDSPAN)理事会理事,以及投资银行律师;美国哥伦比亚大学国际关系学院人权研究中心访问学者,并在国内多所院校任客座教授或研究员。 主要作品有《萌芽中的民主--2006/7艾滋病非政府组织选举》、《生命的权利》(译著)、《自由与枷锁——性倾向和同性婚姻的法律问题研究》(副主编)等。 电邮:jiaping@healthgovernance.org

文章